The trip of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio to Athens on October 6–7 reportedly hides multiple... national traps for Greece, as Ukrainian ua.news revealed on October 1, with Ukraine set to be placed on the agenda of Greek-American talks in the wake of pressure from Washington on Athens to dispatch Greek Patriot missiles to the regime of Zelensky.
At the same time, the Greek side is leaking through Kathimerini that discussions will include, among other topics, the clashes in the Middle East, as well as the flare-up in the Red Sea between the Houthis and Saudi Arabia.
We recall that Greece appears to have acquired an unexpectedly crucial role in the effort to restart diplomacy between the United States and Iran, focusing now not only on the nuclear program of Tehran, but primarily on the Strait of Hormuz and the restoration of international maritime navigation.
This does not constitute, at least not yet, formal Greek «mediation»...
And it is precisely at this point that the visit of the head of the State Department to Athens acquires particular significance, along with any «cunning» requests that might emerge from the American side toward Greece regarding the war in the Middle East.
Rubio comes to Greece with a «big agenda»: What he will discuss and demand in Athens
Specifically, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio will travel to Athens on October 6–7, where he will hold talks with Greek government officials, as well as with Minister of Foreign Affairs Giorgos Gerapetritis.
The two sides plan to discuss defense cooperation, energy matters, as well as the situation in Ukraine and the Middle East.
«Regional developments in Ukraine and the Middle East are also expected to occupy a dominant position on the agenda», the announcement states.
The visit will focus on the sixth round of the US-Greece Strategic Dialogue, which launched in December 2018.
The two sides plan to discuss the facilities and support provided by Greece under the Mutual Defense Cooperation Agreement (MDCA), as well as broader defense cooperation.
«Washington favors the prevention of tensions within NATO and supports energy interconnection projects, while promoting exports of American liquefied natural gas (LNG)», notes the Ukrainian report.
GSI and expansion to 12 nautical miles on the table
The report underlines that the visit of Rubio takes place amid plans by Athens for a potential expansion of its territorial waters south of Crete to 12 nautical miles.
Greece is also examining the resumption of seabed surveys related to the Great Sea Interconnector energy project between Greece and Cyprus.
During his stay in Athens, Rubio plans to meet with Greek Foreign Minister Giorgos Gerapetritis and Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis.
They want to strip Greek air defense: Demanding dispatch of 200 PAC-2 missiles to Ukraine
We recall that already since the summer of 2026, NATO and the EU have been demanding the immediate transfer of 200 Patriot PAC-2 missiles to Ukraine and the regime of Zelensky from the government of Mitsotakis, according to Ukrainian reports that surfaced on July 17.
Amid sweeping strikes by Russia on Kyiv, Kyiv considers resorting to Greek air defense systems as a one-way street and has mobilized major leverage to... blackmail Athens...
Specifically, the Ukrainian side assesses that the operational lifespan of some of these missiles, which have been in service with the Hellenic Air Force for approximately 23 years, may be nearing its end.
However, the missiles in question remain of vital importance for the protection of Greek islands.
It remains to be seen whether Kyriakos Mitsotakis will commit one of the most disastrous missteps of his political career, just a few months prior to national elections.
In the EU, in any case, they view the delivery of Patriot missiles to Kyiv as... natural payback for the choice of Athens to block the 21st package of anti-Russian sanctions for the sake of... shipowner Prokopiu.
The major blackmail of NATO and the EU against Greece
Overall, pressure is mounting from NATO and the European Union on Greece to have Athens consider transferring up to 200 PAC-2 missiles for the Patriot anti-aircraft systems it possesses, with Ukraine as the final destination.
According to a report by Ukrainian NV.ua, citing Greek print media sources on Friday, July 17, Kyiv has requested from the Greek side the concession of up to 200 PAC-2 missiles from Greek stockpiles of Patriot batteries.
The Ukrainian side estimates that the operational lifespan of some of these missiles, which have been in service with the Hellenic Air Force for approximately 23 years, may be nearing its end.
The Ukrainians... have set their sights on 200 Greek PAC-2 missiles
As the report states, allies had previously discussed the possibility of transferring entire Patriot batteries out of the six Greece possesses to Ukraine, without reaching an agreement.
The current discussion no longer concerns granting the systems themselves, but exclusively the stockpile of 200 missiles.
Any transfer, however, could take place only under the condition that the missiles are deemed suitable for operational use, while concurrently no longer considered critical for the defense requirements of Greece.
US Secretary of State desperately seeks mediation on Iran in Athens
However, at the center of the visit of Rubio to our country, an... American request concerning Iran is also expected to be placed.
It is noted that, as BN revealed as early as August, Greece appears to acquire an unexpectedly critical role in the effort to restart diplomacy between the United States and Iran, focusing now not only on the nuclear program of Tehran, but primarily on the Strait of Hormuz and the restoration of international shipping.
This does not constitute, at least not yet, formal Greek «mediation».
Washington even officially denies that Marco Rubio asked the Greek side to communicate with Iran or relay a specific American message.
However, the sequence of events is difficult to ignore: on August 12, Rubio spoke with Giorgos Gerapetritis, with Iran and the Middle East among the topics of discussion, and immediately the next day the Greek Foreign Minister contacted Abbas Araghchi.
The Associated Press reports that a European diplomat familiar with the contacts considers that this timeline was not coincidental.
The emerging picture is that, faced with the deadlock of traditional channels through Oman, Pakistan, Qatar, and Turkey, American diplomacy is attempting to broaden the network of interlocutors who can access Tehran.
Greece and Austria thus entered a new framework of informal European contacts: Austria on account of Vienna, the International Atomic Energy Agency, and historical roles in nuclear negotiations; Greece for an entirely different, but equally powerful reason, shipping.
Why Greece...
Athens is not entering the game because it represents a major naval military power in the Persian Gulf.
It enters mainly because it is the largest international shipping power and consequently one of the players with the most to lose from a closed or controlled Hormuz.
Potentially, the USA may anticipate a similar Greek posture in Europe to that observed with Russian sanctions where a veto was exercised because the Greek industry would suffer damages, an industry that maintains privileged ties with the government of Kyriakos Mitsotakis...
The Greek-owned fleet accounts in 2026 for approximately 19.1% of global carrying capacity in deadweight tonnage, numbers nearly 5,800 vessels and, even more importantly for the crisis in the Persian Gulf, Greek shipowners control roughly 26% of global tanker capacity and 23% of LNG carriers.
These are precisely the categories of vessels located at the heart of the energy flows passing through Hormuz.
This grants Athens two roles simultaneously.
It is a close ally of Washington and a member of NATO, but at the same time represents a massive commercial and maritime interest that demands predictable, safe, and free navigation.
For this reason, Greece can converse with Tehran not only as a Western capital, but as a country whose ships, companies, and seafarers directly experience the consequences of the blockade.
Iranian control and «transit permission»: The new system...
Here lies precisely the difficult point for Athens.
Iran has in practice established a regime where transit is no longer treated as an automated right of a commercial vessel.
A multi-tiered system of Iranian inspections has been recorded, examining the owner and operator of the vessel, flag, cargo, origin, and destination, even the nationalities of crew members.
Particular weight is placed on whether a connection exists between the vessel and the United States or Israel, as Tehran has stated that ships linked to both countries may be barred from passage.
When transit is approved, Iranian authorities can issue specific coordinates and safety instructions.
Reuters has documented instances of vessels assigned a specific course, ordered to follow it strictly with continuous operational coordination alongside Iranian authorities.
In certain bilateral formats, the process began even with a government request to the Iranian Foreign Minister, subsequently forwarded to the Supreme National Security Council and military authorities.
Thus, the essence of the protocol described in Iranian and regional sources is clear: commercial character of the vessel, verification of affiliations (not originating from a hostile nation), compliance with a designated route, coordination with competent Iranian authorities, and avoidance of actions that could be construed as threatening.
Final passage depends on Iranian clearance.
The new Iranian authority for Hormuz itself had already demanded that vessels submit requests in advance and coordinate both the course and timing of passage.
This is no longer a theoretical threat.
In May, Reuters documented that the Greek-interest vessel Agios Fanourios I transited a route designated by Iran, was halted by forces of the IRGC near Hormuz, and required new Iranian clearance to proceed.
The great paradox for Greece
Thus arises an exceptionally difficult Greek dilemma.
On one hand, Athens officially advocates freedom of navigation and maritime security.
This is precisely what Giorgos Gerapetritis emphasized in his latest contact with Abbas Araghchi.
On the other hand, the reality on the ground is that the safe transit of Greek-owned vessels may require arrangements with the exact Iranian control mechanism that the West refuses to legitimize, and Greece has taken a clear stance, making it unreliable in advance...
And here perhaps lies the core of American interest in the Greek channel.
Greece possesses something Washington does not readily hold: a direct and massive economic interest in the restoration of navigation, but simultaneously the capability of political communication with both sides.
Athens between Washington and Tehran
The situation becomes even more complicated because a vessel might theoretically satisfy the demands of Tehran, yet at the same moment its company could be exposed to American sanctions.
Washington has imposed sanctions on the Iranian authority attempting to regulate transit through Hormuz, while insurance markets have also warned of coverage issues should fees be paid to Iranian authorities.
Reuters characterized the situation for shipping companies essentially as a Catch-22: to transit safely they may have to comply with Iranian demands, but this compliance can trigger sanctions or insurance risks in the West.
Precisely for this reason, the issue of Hormuz is not merely military.
It is legal, insurance-related, commercial, and diplomatic.
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