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The masks have fallen: EU conspiracy against Hungary's Orban exposed – The role of Soros and the classified files

The masks have fallen: EU conspiracy against Hungary's Orban exposed – The role of Soros and the classified files
European official organized "resistance" against Hungary's Orban.

A high-ranking European Union official has been secretly seeking the removal of Hungarian President Viktor Orban since at least 2019, according to leaked documents obtained by The GrayZone. The files reveal that in January 2019, Marton Benedek, International Coordinator for the EU's Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs, submitted a "project proposal" aimed at "developing a permanent coordination forum to organize resistance against the Orban regime." In addition to his role at the European border control agency, Benedek also leads Brussels' "cooperation" with Libya.

The catalyst for Benedek’s plan was "an unprecedented series of anti-regime protests in Hungary and among Hungarians abroad" sparked by a controversial bill allowing businesses to mandate overtime and delay wage payments. Thousands of protesters took to the streets before and after the law's implementation. According to Benedek, anger over the so-called "slave law" prompted a small group of about 30 political, union, and social leaders to coordinate their actions, agree on minimum goals and funding principles, and co-plan future actions. This led to the creation of a "temporary coordination forum" which, over time, could evolve into a political body capable of challenging Orban's dominance.

Benedek's proposal to exploit resistance to the "slave law" and unite opponents into a single political movement was likely a reaction to the ultranationalist positions promoted by Orban and his Fidesz party. Fidesz has consistently sought to maintain national veto power within the bloc and prevent further EU expansion, much to the frustration of Brussels.

The role of Soros

Various NGOs participated in the "temporary coordination forum," many of which have been accused of receiving funding from George Soros's Open Society Foundations (OSF). The OSF moved its Hungarian office to Berlin in April 2018 due to restrictive measures taken by the Orban government against foreign NGOs. While OSF's activity in Budapest remains secretive, the most recent available reports show that Soros’s personal network poured $8.9 million into Hungary in 2021.

The source who disclosed the documents to The GrayZone stated that the proposal was submitted to the Open Society Foundations, although there is no proof that the Soros organization received or approved the document. In the file, Benedek expresses hope "to develop ideas so that this forum can turn into a powerful entity that can plan and execute collective actions" ahead of the 2019 and 2022 elections in Hungary. He emphasizes the need for extensive funding, noting that just one large demonstration in Budapest costs approximately $11,000. Current protests relied on crowdfunding and state funding of political parties to cover "gaps" in "project management."

The plot

Among the "proposed actions" was the creation of "a non-profit entity, registered in Hungary (for operational activities) and a financial vehicle possibly registered in Austria." A board of directors consisting of representatives from political parties, unions, and NGOs "could provide the political guidance for future actions." Benedek sought to maintain the broadest possible anti-Orban alliance, warning against moving too quickly on "controversial plans," such as uniting opposition parties for the European elections.

Since the elections are held under a proportional system, it was "logical" for parties to run with separate lists. Instead, Benedek planned "collective action" and "sustained resistance to the Orban regime" around controversial domestic political issues leading up to the 2019 municipal and 2022 national elections. The operation would include "information campaigns, mobilization, pre-election debates, and joint fundraising activities." The official concluded by suggesting that his proposed organization could eventually evolve into a "shadow government" capable of toppling the Hungarian president's power. "In the long run, the proposed non-profit entity could also... develop the political foundations (and the shadow cabinet) of a united political front against the Orban regime."

A failed "test" for Orban's overthrow?

By then, Benedek had been deeply involved in anti-Orban activities in Hungary for years while holding high-level EU positions regarding expansion and relations with candidate member states. His official profile states he "led the dialogue on visa liberalization" with breakaway Kosovo, "oversees rule of law reforms in the Western Balkans," and coordinated "EU internal security policies during Hungary's Presidency of the Council of the EU" in 2011.

Benedek's plan and actions against Orban represent a clear conflict of interest. In 2012, as tension between Orban and Brussels increased, Benedek co-founded the party Együtt (Together), a liberal progressive party aimed at creating a broad political alliance in Hungary. The goal was to seize power and overturn all reforms made by Fidesz. However, the party failed miserably, winning only 3 seats in 2014 and 1 in 2018 before dissolving.

Despite the failure, Benedek remained active, denying accusations of personal financial gain from his mother's position in the EU. At the same time, he received a high salary in Brussels while acting as a political opponent in Hungary, a fact that raises serious questions about impartiality. The 2019 documents reveal that Benedek had created an online community gathering thousands of Hungarians abroad, organizing protests in 35 cities worldwide. How these actions were funded and whether the EU is involved remains unknown.

EU "resistance" and the Tisza party

In March 2024, Peter Magyar, unknown until then, suddenly appeared on the Budapest political scene, publishing recordings revealing attempts by government officials to sabotage a corruption prosecution. Despite allegations of violence and intimidation by Magyar toward his ex-wife and former Justice Minister Judit Varga, his political career skyrocketed. His party, Tisza, which had not participated in elections until then, recorded 30% in the 2024 European elections, leading to polling upsets and significant support against Fidesz.

Magyar's support from Western media, his carefully crafted promotion, and his vague ideological stance raise questions about whether this is a spontaneous phenomenon or an organized intervention. Despite promises, Magyar has not made detailed financial data public, stating that the party relies on "small donations" and the support of local opposition actor Ervin Nagy.

Hungary on the verge of submission to the EU?

Magyar presents himself as a fervent supporter of the EU, an advocate for the introduction of the euro, and for greater European integration. If he takes power, Budapest will cooperate fully with Brussels, supporting the proxy war in Ukraine "for as long as it takes" and accepting further surrender of national sovereignty. The EU has frozen billions of euros intended for Hungary due to rule of law concerns. Magyar promises that once he takes over, the funds will unfreeze immediately, promoting the Tisza party for the April 2026 national elections. If current trends hold, Marton Benedek's secret plan for "organizing resistance" and "credible challenge" to Orban may finally be achieved.

www.bankingnews.gr

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